UNIT 1. The United States and the World: Strategic Choices

1. The American Way of Victory: A Twentieth-CenturyTrilogy, James Kurth, The National Interest, Summer 2000

James Kurth provides a panoramic view of the twentiethcentury and of the successful as well as the flawed “victorystrategies” the United States and other major political powersimplemented after the two world wars. He draws lessons aboutthese military and economic strategies to evaluate UnitedStates policy following its victory in the cold war.

2. War on Terrorism, David Masci and Kenneth Jost, CQ Researcher, October 12, 2001

The September 11, 2001, attack on the UnitedStates has created a challenge of how to define and respond towar. Evidence has pointed to Osama bin Laden and hisglobal terrorist network, Al Qaeda, as being responsible formasterminding the attacks. Al Qaeda has been sanctioned by theTaliban, the Islamic fundamentalist rulers in Afghanistan. In responseto the attack, a “war on terrorism” was declared, and anair and ground attack by U.S. and British forces began on Afghanistansoil.

3. Different Drummers, Same Drum, Andrew J. Bacevich, The National Interest, Summer 2001

The author argues that in spite of George W. Bush's pledgeto jettison the Clinton Doctrine if elected, his presidency sharesClinton's view of the proper role of the United States in worldaffairs. This has not happened because Bush and Clinton share thesame worldview but because they both accept five elements thatconstitute today's foreign policy consensus in the UnitedStates.

4. In From the Cold: A New Approach to Relations With Russia andChina, Robert S. McNamara and James G. Blight, World Policy Journal, Spring 2001

The authors note that Woodrow Wilson and other Americanleaders failed to establish a sustainable peace after World War I.Avoiding their missteps requires that American policymakers ensurethat neither Russia nor China comes to feel as betrayed as Germany didin 1919. Their answer is to employ a strategy of “realisticempathy.”

5. The Lonely Superpower, Samuel P. Huntington, Foreign Affairs, March/April 1999

Samuel Huntington argues that while the world is notunipolar, the United States is acting as if it is. In doing so, theUnited States is becoming increasingly isolated from otherstates, and it is taking on the characteristics of a roguesuperpower.

UNIT 2. The United States and the World: Regional and BilateralRelations

Part A. Russia

6. Russian Foreign Policy: Promise or Peril?, Paula J. Dobriansky, The Washington Quarterly, Winter 2000

Democracy in Russia has provided a setting for domesticpolitical and economic factors to shape Russian foreign policy.Paula Dobriansky asserts that Russia is fundamentally disinterested inpromoting international stability in the context of a U.S.–ledinternational system. The current U.S.–Russian agendaclosely resembles that of the 1970s.

7. Against Russophobia, Anatol Lieven, World Policy Journal, Winter 2000/01

Anatol Lieven decries two traits that dominate Americanforeign policy toward Russia. First, there exists a blind,dogmatic hostility toward Russia on the part of “residual foreignpolicy elites” that are found predominantly in the RepublicanParty. Second, there is a tendency to believe that the United Statesis not influenced by national prejudices; that it stands “taller”than other states.

Part B. Europe

8. Europe: Superstate or Superpower?, Martin Walker, World Policy Journal, Winter 2000/01

Martin Walker raises the fundamental question of howclose Europe is to being a superpower and not just a large state.The EU army might be just large enough to get into trouble but toosmall to get itself out of trouble. Walker observes that thissituation has come about in part because the United States has pushedEurope to take more responsibility for the military burdens of theAtlantic Alliance.

9. The Lesser Evil: The Best Way Out of the Balkans, Richard K. Betts, The National Interest, Summer 2001

What is the future of the Balkans? Will it resemble that ofPalestine, Kashmir, Tibet, South Africa, or somewhere else? RichardBetts asserts that a potential solution in the Balkans requiresforging a connection between self-government and interstate stability.He presents three exit scenarios but cautions that there is no wayout of the Balkans that does not entail a high cost in either honor oreffort.

Part C. Asia

10. East Asia: Security and Complexity, Marvin C. Ott, Current History, April 2001

The author argues that in the coming decade U.S. securityconcerns will shift away from Europe and toward Asia. Three keyflashpoints are identified: South Korea, Taiwan, and the SouthChina Sea. The combination of Russian decline and Japanese strategicparalysis are seen as giving China the strategic freedom to exert itsinfluence in each of these areas.

11. To Be an Enlightened Superpower, Wu Xinbo, The Washington Quarterly, Summer 2001

The author, a professor in China, asserts that while theworld recognizes American primacy, it also recognizes that primacy isfull of contradictions. He notes that China has always been upset bythe oversimplified black-and-white view the United States holds of it.Paying particular attention to Taiwan, Wu Xinbo discusses thefuture of Sino-American relations and how the United States shouldconduct itself.

Part D. The South

12. A Small Peace for the Middle East, Arthur Hertzberg, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2001

The author argues that the conflict between theIsraelis and Palestinians has been made worse by the dream of aperfect peace. Arthur Hertzberg argues that the only hope for thefuture lies in taking small pragmatic steps. The best way for theUnited States to contribute to peace is to deemphasize theconflict.

13. Bush's Global Agenda: Bad News for Africa, Salih Booker, Current History, May 2001

Salih Booker argues that the promotion of peace, democracy,and development in Africa is necessary to combat the global threatsthat face the United States. Yet, George W. Bush's decision not toembrace multilateral collaborative solutions to problems such as theenvironment and population does more than push Africa off the Americanforeign policy agenda. It amounts to a de facto war onAfrica.

UNIT 3. The Domestic Side of American Foreign Policy

14. On American Principles, George F. Kennan, Foreign Affairs, March/April 1995

George Kennan calls a principle “a general rule ofconduct” that defines the limits within which foreign policyought to operate. Building on a position argued by John Quincy Adams,Kennan argues that the best way for a big country such as the UnitedStates to help smaller ones is by the power ofexample.

15. The New Apathy, James M. Lindsay, Foreign Affairs, September/October 2000

An apathetic internationalism has come to dominatethe politics of American foreign policy. It encourages policymakers toneglect foreign policy, empowers those who make the most noise, andmakes it harder for presidents to lead. Together these consequencesprevent the United States from capitalizing on its position of powerin the international system.

16. Allies in Search of a Strategy, The Economist, September 22, 2001

After the September 11, 2001 tragedy in New York andWashington, D.C., the challenge to build a coalition was thegoal of President George W. Bush. Maintaining that coalition wouldprove to be a difficult problem.

UNIT 4. The Institutional Context of American Foreign Policy

Part A. Law and the Court

17. The Pitfalls of Universal Jurisdiction, Henry A. Kissinger, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2001

One of the most controversial developments in the field ofinternational law is the establishment of a permanent internationalcriminal court. Of major concern to opponents is its relationship tothe American legal system. Henry Kissinger warns that its creation maynot produce international peace but simply substitute the tyrannyof judges for that of governments.

18. States' Rights and Foreign Policy: Some Things Should Be Leftto Washington, Brannon P. Denning and Jack H. McCall, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2000

In the early 1990s, many state and local governmentsentered the field of foreign affairs by establishing “economicsanctions” against countries whose human rights policies theyfound to be objectionable. This article asserts that states shouldstay out of foreign policy. In 2000, the Supreme Court agreedand ruled against a Massachusetts ban on trade withBurma.

Part B. Congress

19. The Folk Who Live on the Hill, James Kitfield, The National Interest, Winter 1999/2000

James Kitfield examines the growing split withinRepublican congressional ranks between aging assertiveinternationalists and newer international minimalists. Nowhere isthe gap greater than on the question of using military force. Kitfielddiscusses the Hutchinson Doctrine, which would place theUnited States behind a missile defense shield and leave peacekeepingto others.

20. Farewell to the Helmsman, Christopher Hitchens, Foreign Policy, September/October 2001

Written prior to Republican senator Jesse Helms'sannouncement that he planned to retire from the Senate, this articlesurveys his views on American foreign policy. Helms is describedas an isolationist-interventionist who always placed protectingAmerican sovereignty at the center of his foreign policyagenda.

Part C. The Presidency

21. Perils of Presidential Transition, Glenn P. Hastedt and Anthony J. Eksterowicz, Seton Hall Journal of Diplomacy and InternationalRelations, Winter/Spring 2001

Important foreign policy decisions are often made in thefirst months of a president's term in office. These decisions areheavily influenced by events occurring during the presidentialcampaign and transition period. This article examines and comparesrecent two-party presidential transitions involving Carter, Reagan,and Clinton, and their resulting foreign policies.

Part D. Bureaucracy

22. The One Percent Solution: Shirking the Cost of WorldLeadership, Richard N. Gardner, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2000

Richard Gardner sees a dangerous game being played inWashington where leaders are trying to craft a successful foreignpolicy that uses only one percent of the federal budget. He callsfor greater international affairs spending and presents a plan fordoing so.

23. America's Postmodern Military, Don M. Snider, World Policy Journal, Spring 2000

The postmodern American military is likely to besmaller, focused on peacekeeping missions, enjoying tepid publicsupport. It seems to be led by officers whose values may differgreatly from those of the rest of American society. Retired militaryofficer Don Snider looks at these trends and sees a strong need forcivilians to reconnect with the military.

UNIT 5. The Foreign Policy–Making Process

24. NATO Expansion: The Anatomy of a Decision, James M. Goldgeier, The Washington Quarterly, Winter 1998

Relying on interviews with major players in the Clintonadministration, James Goldgeier recounts the three key phases in thedecision-making process that led to support for NATOexpansion. He finds that this decision was made because a few keypeople supported it and that it was taken over widespreadbureaucratic opposition.

25. Outmaneuvered, Outgunned, and Out of View: Test BanDebacle, Stephen I. Schwartz, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January/February 2000

Policy making occurs in Congress as well as in theWhite House. This essay examines the political maneuvering that tookplace in Congress leading up to the vote to reject theComprehensive Test Ban Treaty in October 1999. Author StephenSchwartz is critical of the Clinton administration's handling of thevote.

26. A Four-Star Foreign Policy?, Dana Priest, Washington Post, September 28, 2000

Using examples from Europe, Africa, and Latin America, thisarticle highlights the growing political influence thathigh-ranking military officers who command America's regionalcommands have in making U.S. foreign policy. These “proconsuls”have achieved their positions of influence at the expense of the StateDepartment and separate military services. They report directly to thepresident and secretary of defense.

UNIT 6. U.S. International Economic Strategy

27. Q: Should the United States Renew the Iran Libya SanctionsAct?, Kenneth R. Timmerman and Archie Dunham, Insight, July 2–9, 2001

The authors debate whether or not U.S. economicsanctions against Iran and Libya should be lifted. They addresssuch issues as whether the sanctions have worked, the degree of reformthat has occurred in these societies, and the broader economic impactof the sanctions on the U.S. and global economies.

28. The U.S. Trade Deficit: A Dangerous Obsession, Joseph Quinlan and Marc Chandler, Foreign Affairs, May/June 2001

A large trade deficit has become a persistent feature ofU.S. trade policy. To many it is an important indicator of the healthof the U.S. economy. The authors assert that this is incorrect andthat the trade balance is no longer a valid index for measuringAmerican global competitiveness. The United States is betterpositioned than ever to compete in the global marketplace.

29. The Death of the Washington Consensus?, Robin Broad and John Cavanagh, World Policy Journal, Fall 1999

The Washington Consensus refers to the belief thatcreating unrestricted free markets is the key ingredient for anydevelopment strategy. The authors contend that over the past fewyears this strategy has lost some of its legitimacy and that analternative development strategy has now emerged.

30. Globalization After Seattle, Jacob Park, The Washington Quarterly, Spring 2000

The 1999 meeting of the World Trade Organization (WTO)in Seattle brought out a tide of protest from environmental andlabor groups. Jacob Park discusses what lies ahead for the WTO. Thekey to the future lies in the ability of American policymakers towield “soft power.”

UNIT 7. U.S. Post–Cold War Military Strategy

Part A. The Use of Military Power

31. Responding to Terrorism, David Tucker, The Washington Quarterly, Winter 1998

David Tucker is a staff member of the assistant secretaryof defense for special operations and low-intensity conflict. Hereviews and evaluates the effectiveness of three current and sixpast U.S. policies designed to combat terrorism. Tuckerrecommends a combination of elements from many of thesestrategies.

32. War on America: The New Enemy, The Economist, September 15, 2001

The assault on the World Trade Center in New York andthe Pentagon in Washington, D.C., on September 11, 2001, willforever change the way America looks at itself and at the world. Asthis special report points out, the extent of current terrorism is aform of war that the United States has never had to deal with in thepast.

33. Musclebound: The Limits of U.S. Power, Stephen M. Walt, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, March/April 1999

The extraordinary power position of the UnitedStates does not guarantee that it can achieve its objectives.Among the reasons for this are that other states may care more aboutan issue than does the United States, other states fear U.S. hegemony,and the United States has pursued an overly ambitious set ofgoals.

Part B. Arms Control

34. Ending the Nuclear Nightmare: A Strategy for the BushAdministration, Jim Wurst and John Burroughs, World Policy Journal, Spring 2001

The authors present an alternative to building a nationalballistic missile defense system (BMD). It is centered on affirmingand expanding the principles found in Article VI of the NuclearNon-Proliferation Treaty. They argue that by eroding thenonproliferation regime, a BMD will create the very nuclear threat toU.S. national security that it is intended to protectagainst.

35. Mission Impossible, Henry D. Sokolski, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, March/April 2001

In 1993, the United States announced that it wouldsupplement arms control with a policy of counterproliferation. Thisarticle provides an overview of 8 years of politics within the Clintonadministration's national security bureaucracy over how to definecounterproliferation and implement the initiative. In the processit became transformed from an offensive military capability into adamage-limitation one.